Click here for state estimates of disenfranchised Latinx Americans with felony convictions. Langan, Patrick and Mark Cunniff. Washington: Bureau of Justice Statistics. Love, Margaret, and David Schlussel.
Who Must Pay to Regain the Vote? A State Survey. Collateral Consequences Research Center. Manza, Jeff and Christopher Uggen. New York: Oxford University Press. McLeod, Morgan. McNeil, Walter. Porter, Nicole D. Uggen, Christopher and Jeff Manza. In the past 25 years, half the states have changed their laws and practices to expand voting access to people with felony convictions.
Despite these important reforms, 5. Overview In this presidential election year, the question of voting restrictions, and their disproportionate impact on Black and Brown communities, should receive greater public attention. Our key findings include the following: As of , an estimated 5.
There were an estimated 1. One out of 44 adults — 2. Individuals who have completed their sentences in the eleven states that disenfranchise at least some people post-sentence make up most 43 percent of the entire disenfranchised population, totaling 2. Rates of disenfranchisement vary dramatically by state due to broad variations in voting prohibitions. In three states — Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee — more than 8 percent of the adult population, one of every thirteen people, is disenfranchised.
We estimate that nearly , Floridians who have completed their sentences remain disenfranchised, despite a ballot referendum that promised to restore their voting rights.
One in 16 African Americans of voting age is disenfranchised, a rate 3. Over 6. African American disenfranchisement rates vary significantly by state.
In seven states — Alabama, Florida, Kentucky, Mississippi, Tennessee, Virginia, and Wyoming — more than one in seven African Americans is disenfranchised, twice the national average for African Americans.
Although data on ethnicity in correctional populations are still unevenly reported, we can conservatively estimate that over , Latinx Americans or over 2 percent of the voting eligible population are disenfranchised. Approximately 1. State Disenfranchisement Law To compile estimates of disenfranchised populations, we take into account new U.
Table 1. California — In , lawmakers restored voting rights to people convicted of a felony offense housed in jail, but not in prison. That year, officials authorized persons sentenced to prison to be released to probation rather than parole, affirming voting rights for residents under felony community supervision. New York — In , Governor Cuomo reviewed and restored voting rights to persons currently on parole via executive order. There is currently no assurance that this practice will continue, however, so New York is listed as a state that continues to disenfranchise people on parole.
Louisiana — In , authorized voting for residents under an order of imprisonment for a felony who have not been incarcerated for five years, including those on probation and parole. Arizona — Permanently disenfranchises persons with two or more felony convictions. In , removed the requirement to pay outstanding fines before rights are automatically restored for first time felony offenses only.
Delaware — In , removed the five-year waiting period to regain voting eligibility. Apart from some disqualifying offenses, people convicted of a felony are now eligible to vote upon completion of sentence and supervision. Florida — In , voters passed an amendment to restore voting rights to most people after sentence completion.
In , legislation was passed that made restoration conditional on payment of all restitution, fees, and fines. As of October, , only the rights of those who had paid all legal financial obligations fines and fees had been restored. Iowa — In , Governor Reynolds signed an executive order restoring voting rights to people who have completed their sentences, except for those convicted of homicide.
This follows previous executive orders from Governor Vilsack restoring voting rights to individuals who had completed their sentences in and Governor Branstad reversing this executive order in Kentucky — In , Governor A. Beshear issued an executive order restoring voting rights to those who had completed sentences for nonviolent offenses. Slideshow 5. Swipe for more detail about youth confinement, immigrant confinement and psychiatric confinement. Another 39, people are civilly detained by U.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement ICE not for any crime, but simply for their undocumented immigrant status. ICE detainees are physically confined in federally-run or privately-run immigration detention facilities, or in local jails under contract with ICE. An additional 3, unaccompanied children are held in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement ORR , awaiting placement with parents, family members, or friends. While these children are not held for any criminal or delinquent offense, most are held in shelters or even juvenile placement facilities under detention-like conditions.
Adding to the universe of people who are confined because of justice system involvement, 22, people are involuntarily detained or committed to state psychiatric hospitals and civil commitment centers. Many of these people are not even convicted, and some are held indefinitely. There are another , people on parole and a staggering 3.
Many millions more have completed their sentences but are still living with a criminal record, a stigmatizing label that comes with collateral consequences such as barriers to employment and housing. Beyond identifying how many people are impacted by the criminal justice system, we should also focus on who is most impacted and who is left behind by policy change. Poverty, for example, plays a central role in mass incarceration.
People in prison and jail are disproportionately poor compared to the overall U. As a result, people with low incomes are more likely to face the harms of pretrial detention. Poverty is not only a predictor of incarceration; it is also frequently the outcome, as a criminal record and time spent in prison destroys wealth , creates debt, and decimates job opportunities. S residents. As policymakers continue to push for reforms that reduce incarceration, they should avoid changes that will widen disparities, as has happened with juvenile confinement and with women in state prisons.
Slideshow 6. Swipe for more detail about race, gender and income disparities. Equipped with the full picture of how many people are locked up in the United States, where, and why, our nation has a better foundation for the long overdue conversation about criminal justice reform.
For example, the data makes it clear that ending the war on drugs will not alone end mass incarceration, though the federal government and some states have taken an important step by reducing the number of people incarcerated for drug offenses. Now that we can see the big picture of how many people are locked up in the United States in the various types of facilities, we can see that something needs to change.
Looking at the big picture requires us to ask if it really makes sense to lock up 2. Both policymakers and the public have the responsibility to carefully consider each individual slice in turn to ask whether legitimate social goals are served by putting each group behind bars, and whether any benefit really outweighs the social and fiscal costs.
People new to criminal justice issues might reasonably expect that a big picture analysis like this would be produced not by reform advocates, but by the criminal justice system itself. Each of these systems collects data for its own purposes that may or may not be compatible with data from other systems, and that might duplicate or omit people counted by other systems. Similarly, there are systems involved in the confinement of justice-involved people that might not consider themselves part of the criminal justice system, but should be included in a holistic view of incarceration.
Juvenile justice, civil detention and commitment, immigration detention, and commitment to psychiatric hospitals for criminal justice involvement are examples of this broader universe of confinement that is often ignored. To produce this report, we took the most recent data available for each part of these systems, and where necessary adjusted the data to ensure that each person was only counted once, only once, and in the right place. Finally, readers who rely on this report year after year may notice that some of the data have not changed since the last version was published in , including the number of people in jails in Indian country, on probation, and on parole.
This is because, since , government data releases have been delayed by many months - even years - compared to past publication schedules, and the data collected over two years ago have yet to be made public. These delays are not limited to the regular data publications that this report relies on, but also special data collections that provide richly detailed, self-reported data about incarcerated people and their experiences in prison and jail, namely the Survey of Prison Inmates conducted in for the first time since and the Survey of Inmates in Local Jails last conducted in and now slated for — which would make a report about 15 years off-schedule.
While we eagerly await these future releases from the Bureau of Justice Statistics, we anticipate that without significant investments in funding, staffing, and leadership, its data releases will continue at their current pace.
Before explaining the data sources, we want to explain two methodology changes that make this report not directly comparable with past reports. Unlike past years, in this report:.
This briefing uses the most recent data available on the number of people in various types of facilities and the most significant charge or conviction. This year, as discussed above, several planned government reports were not published on their anticipated schedule, delayed in part by the government shutdown of December and January We sought out alternative data sources where possible, but some data simply has yet to be updated.
For this reason, we chose to round most labels in the graphics to the nearest thousand, except where rounding to the nearest ten, nearest one hundred, or in two cases in the jails detail slide the nearest was more informative in that context. This rounding process may also result in some parts not adding up precisely to the total.
Learn how to link to specific images and sections. All Prison Policy Initiative reports are collaborative endeavors, but this report builds on the successful collaborations of the , , and , , and versions.
Any errors or omissions, and final responsibility for all of the many value judgements required to produce a data visualization like this, however, are the sole responsibility of the authors. We thank the John D. MacArthur Foundation Safety and Justice Challenge for their support of our research into the use and misuse of jails in this country.
We also thank Public Welfare Foundation and each of our individual donors who give us the resources and the flexibility to quickly turn our insights into new movement resources. She recently co-authored Arrest, Release, Repeat: How police and jails are misused to respond to social problems with Alexi Jones. He co-founded the Prison Policy Initiative in in order to spark a national discussion about the negative side effects of mass incarceration.
He is a co-author of a landmark report on the dysfunction in the prison and jail phone market, Please Deposit All of Your Money. The non-profit, non-partisan Prison Policy Initiative was founded in to expose the broader harm of mass criminalization and spark advocacy campaigns to create a more just society. More recently, we analyzed the National Survey on Drug Use and Health , which includes questions about whether respondents have been booked into jail; from this source, we estimate that at least 4.
The local jail population in the main pie chart , reflects only the population under local jurisdiction; it excludes the people being held in jails for other state and federal agencies. The population under local jurisdiction is smaller than the population , physically located in jails on an average day in , often called the custody population.
For this distinction, see the second image in the first slideshow above. In , there were 1,, drug arrests in the U. For more on how renting jail space to other agencies skews priorities and fuels jail expansion, see the second part of our report Era of Mass Expansion. Because the U. The study estimates that as of there were 19 million people in the U.
Maps in the study illustrate the combined felony populations by state as of , because states vary in their criminal justice policies, especially in how law enforcement, incarceration and community supervision are emphasized. States use different policy levers to decide how to sentence people, Shannon said. For example, Georgia and Minnesota have high rates of people on felony probation, though Minnesota is a low incarceration state. According to an FBI report, there were 2, property crimes per , individuals in compared to an average of violent crimes committed per , Criminal justice statistics show that most crimes go unreported.
According to a survey, the police successfully cleared Shockingly, that percentage is even lower for property crimes. Only Aggravated assault cases were more commonly reported to law enforcement, with only The number is lower for other crimes, such as robbery According to crime conviction statistics , the police solved When looking at other types of crimes, the number is much lower.
Out of all reported aggravated assaults, only Here are some mind-boggling statistics of wrongful convictions. Unfortunately, race plays a role in wrongful convictions. The number is even higher if these people are convicted of killing white victims. According to the National Registry of Exonerations, Texas had the highest number of exonerations over the past three decades. Despite having one of the strictest laws on crime in the US, there were cases.
Illinois follows with pardons during the same period. Having a criminal record can make it exponentially harder to find a job in the United States. Many previous convicts remain jobless or restricted to blue-collar employment options. Statistics show that more than a quarter of formerly incarcerated people in the US failed to find a job after they were released. Statistics like this show how hard it can be to find a job when you have a criminal record.
According to statistics, criminal records that include sexual offenses are the least likely to be overlooked by employers. A felony is a crime that is considered more severe as compared to a misdemeanor. Crimes include murder, kidnap, rape, arson, or burglary. Here are some shocking felony statistics. Criminal record statistics show that 5. According to estimates, nearly , Floridians are disenfranchised even after completing their entire sentences.
In the United States, incarceration is considered to be the primary form of punishment. The following are some mass incarceration statistics in the United States. Over 2.
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